In recent years, the populations of many countries have become much more ethnically diverse as a result of immigration and facilitated mobility. Many subcultures have grown, especially in cosmopolitan cities. The percentage of ethnic minorities in the population of today’s cities can be as much as 40% or 50%. Florida’s (2002, 2005) seminal work on creative cities clearly emphasises the importance of diversity (including a Gay Index) in determining the economic and social success of cities. Positive aspects of contact with other cultures include developing understanding, respect and mutual appreciation, and reducing stereotypes, prejudices and racial tensions. For tourism developers, ethnic diversity can also be one of the most important attributes of a destination. The expectations of exotic experiences and sights of ‘Otherness’ are potential sources of economic revenue for a destination (Ooi, 2002). However, there are also negative aspects of ethnic cultures living in proximity to one another or within a majority culture that can lead to social tension, discrimination and racism (Council of Europe, 2014). Tourism can sometimes be a social force because of its transformative capacity (Higgins-Desbiolles, 2012; Reisinger, 2013) contributing to improving intercultural relationships.
Many migrant and ethnically diverse districts are marked by deprivation and degradation with poor urban planning, social exclusion and what is sometimes described as a ‘ghetto’ economy (Hoffmann, 2003). Therefore, these districts are not necessarily considered as an asset, but more as a problem to deal with. However, in recent years, many of these quarters were subject to regeneration, often through gentrification or tourism or both. The problem occurring then was that many of the original migrant population had to leave the area to move to more affordable parts of town, ‘leaving’ their culture in the area that transformed into an ethnic commercial belt. However, the maintenance of specific cultural services and commercial supply forged the identity of the area. Examples are global. From the Americas to Australia, Singapore, Europe and many Asian and African countries, ethnic and cultural minorities shaped the urbanscape contributing largely to the representation of multicultural societies.
With growing demand for the diversification of tourism supply in cities, cultural and ethnic communities themselves and/or the tourist authorities discovered an opportunity to place them on the tourism map as a tourist asset highlighting the diversity of the destination. Chinatowns, Little Italies, Jewish quarters, African quarters, etc. all became a tool for attracting visitors looking for something different from the classic urban heritage. The paradox lies in the segregation for tourism purposes of migrant communities who may wish to be integrated. Over the past few years, tourism research has focused more and more on the diversification of the tourism market, on niche products and the growing desire among consumers for new and exciting experiences. In the urban tourism context, there has been a growing interest in the ‘fringe’ or ‘alternative’ areas of cities, often incorporating everyday life, cultural events or special celebrations of diverse social and ethnic groups. Maitland (2007) suggests that many tourists, especially repeat visitors to destinations, are seeking alternative experiences that are based on the authenticity of local areas. Some of these are surprisingly ordinary, but the fact that they are based in ‘fringe’ areas of cities inhabited by local residents and characterised by more organic developments means that they are appealing to visitors. This implies that sometimes the ‘true’ cultures of cities are more desirable than purpose-built attractions. They offer elements of surprise while helping to maintain a sense of place. This can include ethnic quarters or ethnoscapes.